To solve the euro problem ,Germany proposed that______.A．EU funds for poor regions be increasedB．stricter regulations be imposedC．only core members be involved in economic co-ordinationD．voting rights of the EU members be guaranteed

Passage 1
Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.
As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.

The best title for the passage is ___.

A. The world economic situation.
B. The world economic recession.
C. The worse world economic situation.
D. The reason for world economic recession.

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

If the Britain's Labor Party is led by a far-left Eurosceptic candidate, what would most likely happen?

A. He would choose to stay in the EU.
B. He would work with other members of EU to respond to the problems EU faces.
C. He would open borders to offer asylum to refugees.
D. He would probably hasten the exit of UK from EU.

Passage 3
For the first time in decades, some of the fundamental achievements and tenets of the EU are under threat. These include the single currency, open borders, free movement of labor and the notion that membership is forever.
Rather than rising to these challenges, the EU is creaking under the strain. Its 28 members are arguing bitterly and seem incapable of framing effective responses to their common problems.
These arguments are also taking place against an
ominous backdrop. Large parts of the EU remain sunk in a semi-depression with high unemployment and unsustainable public finances. The problems of an imploding Middle East are crowding in on Europe, in the form of hundreds of thousands of refugees. And the political fringes are on the rise---with the latest evidence being the election of a far-left Eurosceptic candidates to lead Britain`s Labor party.
With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

What is the best title for this passage?

A. The impact of Refugee Crisis in EU.
B. The Crisis that Threaten to Unravel the EU
C. UK, to Leave or to Stay
D. EU Sees the Light at the End of the Tunnel.

He is()respected by other members of our team. Joe is a fast learner and has excellent problem solving abilities.

A.very
B.well
C.much
D.once

With a sense of crisis mounting and the EU unable to respond, countries will be increasingly inclined
to act unilaterally or even---in the case of Britain--leave the bloc altogether.
The refugee crisis is already threatening cherished ideas about open borders. In the past couple of days, Germany has reimposed frontier controls with Austria---which, in turn, has imposed controls at its border with Hungary, which itself is working feverishly to complete a barbed-wire
fence to protect its frontier with non-EU Serbia. Controls have been tightened on the French-Italian borders, while migrants camp miserably in Calais, hoping to cross to England.
If the EU somehow gets a grip on the migrant crisis, these measures might be no more than temporary expedients. But if the pressure of would-be refugees heading for Europe remain intense, then temporary measures could harden into permanent controls.
Questions marks over open borders will easily shade into wider issues about access to welfare systems and labor markets. That is because EU countries are realizing that—in a border-free single market—a unilateral change of asylum rules
by Germany had implications for the immigration policies of all member states. Once migrants get citizenship in one EU country, they have the right to move to any other, to work there and to claim benefits. But if free movement of people and labor come into question, so does the EU`s single market—its central achievement.
The refugee issue has for the moment, overshadowed the euro. But the problems of the single currency have not gone away. On the contrary, Greece's decision this summer to knuckle
under and accept yet another austerity package has made the Eurozone look increasingly like a trap.
Even Greece, which is profoundly unhappy with life in the Eurozone, cannot risk leaving for fear of provoking a financial and economic crisis. Creditor countries such as Germany and the Netherlands are not much happier, as they fear they are being dragged into a system of permanent fiscal transfers towards the nations of Europe. Meanwhile, efforts to make the euro work better,
by pressing ahead with a banking union, are stuck in Brussels. This does not look like a sustainable situation and the risk of euro break-up will surely return.
The refugee and euro crisis bear on whether Britain will vote to stay in the EU, when it holds a referendum in 2016 or 2017. Until recently, the opinion polls looked promising for the pro-EU camp. But the migrant crisis plays directly into the most potent issue deployed by those campaigning for Britain to leave-which is that membership of
the EU means that the UK cannot control immigration. More broadly, the British are less likely to stay inside an organization that seems to be failing. If they vote to leave, the sense of crisis
within the EU would then mount--raising the possibility of further defections.
A partial unravelling and marginalization of the EU still looks more likely than a full-scale collapse. But even if an organization called the European Union continues to exist--- running buildings and paying salaries---it risks becoming increasingly irrelevant.

We can infer from the passage that___.

A. The idea of open borders will no longer exist.
B. EU’s central achievement is its single market.
C. Members in EU seem incapable of coming up with effective responses to their problems.
D. To avoid sorry fates, members of EU must cooperate and take collective actions to deal with the common problems.